The Communist Manifesto and Other Writings (Barnes & Noble Classics)
Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels
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The Communist Manifesto and Other Writings, by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, is part of the Barnes & Noble Classics series, which offers quality editions at affordable prices to the student and the general reader, including new scholarship, thoughtful design, and pages of carefully crafted extras.
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Largely ignored when it was first published in 1848, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels’s The Communist Manifesto has become one of the most widely read and discussed social and political testaments ever written. Its ideas and concepts have not only become part of the intellectual landscape of Western civilization: They form the basis for a movement that has, for better or worse, radically changed the world.
Addressed to the common worker, the Manifesto argues that history is a record of class struggle between the bourgeoisie, or owners, and the proletariat, or workers. In order to succeed, the bourgeoisie must constantly build larger cities, promote new products, and secure cheaper commodities, while eliminating large numbers of workers in order to increase profits without increasing productiona scenario that is perhaps even more prevalent today than in 1848. Calling upon the workers of the world to unite, the Manifesto announces a plan for overthrowing the bourgeoisie and empowering the proletariat.
This volume also includes Marx’s The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte (1852), one of the most brilliant works ever written on the philosophy of history, and Theses on Feuerbach (1845), Marx’s personal notes about new forms of social relations and education.
Communist Manifesto translated by Samuel Moore, revised and edited by Friedrich Engels.
Martin Puchner is Associate Professor of English and Comparative Literature at Columbia University, as well as the author of Stage Fright: Modernism, Anti-Theatricality, and Drama and Poetry of the Revolution: Marx, Manifestos, and the Avant-Gardes (forthcoming).
intervals from the stage and leave only a single, albeit a sorry, figure to be seen at the head of the republic, that of Louis Bonaparte, while to the scandal of the public the party of Order fell asunder into its royalist component parts and followed its conflicting desires for Restoration. As often as the confused noise of parliament grew silent during these recesses and its body dissolved in the nation, it became unmistakably clear that only one thing was still wanting to complete the true
military-bureaucratic government machinery which was forged in opposition to feudalism. The condition of the French peasants provides us with the answer to the riddle of the general elections of December 20 and 21, which bore the second Bonaparte up Mount Sinai, not to receive laws, but to give them. Manifestly, the bourgeoisie had now no choice but to elect Bonaparte. When the puritans at the Council of Constancedv complained of the dissolute lives of the popes and wailed about the necessity
never before a government of hommes entretenus.”ef Driven by the contradictory demands of his situation and being at the same time, like a conjurer, under the necessity of keeping the public gaze fixed on himself, as Napoleon’s substitute, by springing constant surprises, that is to say, under the necessity of executing a coup d’ état en miniature every day, Bonaparte throws the entire bourgeois economy into confusion, violates everything that seemed inviolable to the Revolution of 1848, makes
revolutionary practice. 4. Feuerbach takes his point of departure from the fact of religious self-alienation, from the doubling of the world into a religious, imagined world and a real world. His work consists of reducing the religious world to its secular foundation. He does not see that after completing this work the main thing still remains to be done. The fact that the secular foundation splits in two and creates a separate realm in the clouds can only be explained by the fact that the
(1773-1850). aw Louis-Auguste Blanqui (1805-1881), French revolutionary writer and activist in several secret societies. He was involved in all three revolutions in France during the nineteenth century: the Revolution of 1830, the February Revolution of 1848, and the Paris Commune of 1870. ax Literally, the proletariat of rags (German); those at the margins of the working class, such as vagabonds and criminals. ay Seats of authority. The term comes from mythology and refers to the