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Golda Meir was the first female head of state in the Western world and one of the most influential women in modern history. A blend of Emma Goldman and Martin Luther King Jr. in the guise of a cookie-serving grandmother, her uncompromising devotion to shaping and defending a Jewish homeland against dogged enemies and skittish allies stunned political contemporaries and transformed Middle Eastern politics for decades to follow. She outmaneuvered Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger at their own game of Realpolitik, and led Israel through a bloody war even as she eloquently pleaded for peace, carrying her nation through its most perilous hours while she herself battled cancer.
In this masterful biography, critically acclaimed author Elinor Burkett paints a vivid portrait of a legendary woman defined by contradictions: an iron resolve coupled with magnetic charm, a kindly demeanor that disguised a stunning hard-heartedness, and a complete dedication to her country that often overwhelmed her personal relationships.
immediate planning. To provide Israel with maximum security and the smallest possible increase in its Arab population, he proposed that Israel annex a strip of land six to nine miles wide along the Jordan River, most of the sparsely populated Judean desert along the Dead Sea, and a wide swath of land around Greater Jerusalem. The heart of the West Bank—its great Arab cities and most densely populated towns—could be returned to Jordan or become the basis for an autonomous state. A mild supporter
Peres’ account of the Dimona plan appears in his autobiography Battling for Peace; pp. 115–24. For a more objective view, see Avner Cohen, Israel and the Bomb (New York: Columbia University Press, 1998). installation of Léopold Senghor: Peres, Battling for Peace, pp. 199–20. “Regarding Dimona, there is no need to stop the work”: From minutes of meeting of senior Foreign Ministry staff, June 13, 1963, Israel State Archives. during tough days of angry arguments: The trip was well covered on a
Efforts and Contacts. Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1983. ———. President Kennedy’s Policy Toward the Arab States and Israel: Analysis and Documents. Tel Aviv: Shiloah Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies, Tel Aviv University, 1983. Gelber, Yoav. Israeli-Jordanian Dialogue, 1948–1953: Cooperation, Conspiracy, or Collusion? Portland, Ore.: Sussex Academic Press, 2004. ———. Jewish-Transjordanian Relations, 1921–48. Portland, Ore.: Frank Cass, 1997. Gervasi, Frank. Case for Israel. New York:
Life 39 (November 14, 1955): 127–28. Winocour, J. “London and Palestine,” New Republic 115 (July 22, 1946): 78. Wren, Christopher. “Confronting the PLO,” New York Times Magazine, September 9, 1979, 15. Yoffle, H. “Dayan as a Politician; Reply with Rejoinder,” Commentary 55 (April 1973): 24ff. Yost, C. “Last Chance for Peace.” Life 70 (April 9, 1971): 4. SEARCHABLE TERMS Note: Entries in this index, carried over verbatim from the print edition of this title, are unlikely to correspond
minister of information and one of Golda’s firmest allies in the Ahdut camp, asking her to give up her relaxation to become secretary-general of Mapai. It was a position of enormous power without any glory, which fit Golda like a glove. Worried that the divisions within Mapai might lead to an opposition victory, tantamount to a Zionist apocalypse in Golda’s lexicon, she agreed to try her hand at reuniting Rafi, Ahdut, and perhaps Mapam, the more Marxist party, into a single Labor Party and